[119]

May it please your Majesty.

WE your Majesties most Loyal Subjects the Commons in
this present Parliament Assembled, having considered
your Majesties last Message, and the gratious expression there-
in contained, for imploying your Majesties whole Revenue at
any time to raise money for the preservation of your Majesties
Kingdoms; find great cause to return our most humble thanks
to your Majesty for the same, and to desire your Majesty to rest
assured, that you shall find as much duty and affection in us, as
can be expected from a most Loyal People, to their most gratious
Soveraign, and whereas your Majesty is pleased to signify to us,
that the sum of 200000 l. is not sufficient without a further
Supply, to enable your Majesty to Speak or Act those things
which are desired by your People; We humbly take leave to ac-
quaint your Majesty, that many of our Members (being upon
an expectation of an Adjournment before Easter are gone in-
to their several Countries, we cannot think it Parliamentary
in their absence to take upon us the granting of money, but do
therefore desire your Majesty to be pleased that this House may
Adjourn it self for such short time, before the sum of 200000 l.
can be expended, as your Majesty shall think fit, and by your Roy-
al Proclamation to command the attendance of all our Members
at the day of Meeting; by which time we hope your Majesty
may have so formed your Affaires, and fixed your Alliances,
in pursuance of our former Addresses, that your Majesty may be
gratiously pleased to Impart them to us in Parliament; and we
no wayes doubt but at our next Assembling, your Majesty will
not only meet with a Complyance in the Supply your Majesty
desire, but withall such farther Assistance as the posture of
your Majesties Affaires shall require; in confidence whereof
we hope your Majesty will be encouraged in the mean time to
speak and act such things as your Majesty shall judge necessary
for attaining those great ends, as ye have formerly represented to
your Majesty.

[120]

And now the money Bill being Passed both Houses, and
the French having by the surrender of Cambray also to them,
perfected the Conquest of this Campagne, as we project-
ed, and the mony for further preparations having been
asked, onely to gain a pretence for refusing their Addresses,
the Houses were adjourned April the 16th, till the 21st of May
next. And the rather, because at the same moment of their
rising, a Grand French Ambassador was coming over. For
all things betwixt France and England moved with that
punctual Regularity, that it was like the Harmony of the
Spheres, so Consonant with themselves, although we cannot
hear the musick.

There landed immediately after the Recesse, the Duke
of Crequy, the Arch-Bishop of Rheims, Monsieur Barrillon,
and a Traine of three or four hundred persons of all Qual-
ities, so that the Lords Spirituall and Temporall of France,
with so many of their Commons, meeting the King at New-
market, it looked like another Parliament, and that the
English had been Adjourned, in order to their better Recep-
tion. But what Addresses they made to his Majesty, or
what Acts they passed, hath not yet been Published. But
those that have been in discourse were,

An Act for continuing his Majesties subjests in the service
of France.

An Act of abolition of all Claymes and demandes from the
subjests of France, on Account of all Prizes made of the Eng-
lish at Sea, since the year 1674 till that day, and for the
future.

An Act for marring the Children of the Royal Family to
Protestants Princes.

An Act for a further supply of French mony.

But because it appears not that all these, and many others
of more secret nature, passed the Royall Assent, it sufficeth
thus far to have mentioned them. Onely it is most certain,
that although the English Parliament was kept aloofe from

[121]

the businesse of War, Peace, and Alliance, as Improper for
their Intermedling, & Presumptuous. Yet with these 3 Estates
of France all these things were Negotiated and transacted in
the Greatest confidence. And so they were Adjourned
from New-Market to London, and there continued till the
return of the English Parliament, when they were dismissed
home with all the signes and demonstrations of mutuall
satisfaction.

And for better Preparations at home, before the Parliament
met, there was Printed a second Packet of Advice to the
men of Shaftsbury, the first had been sold up and down the
Nation, and transmitted to Scotland, where 300 of them
were Printed at Edenburgh: and 40 Copyes sent from
thence to England fariely bound up and Guilded, to shew
in what great Estmiation it was in that Kingdome; But
this, the sale growing heavy, was dispersed as a Donative all
over England, and it was an Incivilty to have enquired
from whence they had it, but it was a Book though it came
from Hell, that seemed as if it dropped from Heaven, a-
mong men, some Imagined by the weight and wit of
it, that it proceeded from the Two Lords, the Black and
the White, who when their care of the late Sitting was over,
had given themselves Caviere, and after the Triumphs of
the Tongue, had Establish those Trophes of the Pen, over
their Imprisoned Adversaries. But that had been a thing
unworthy of the Frechwellian Generosity, or Trerisian
Magnamity; And rather befits the mean malice of the
same Vulgar Scribler, hired by the Conspirators at so much
a sheet, or for day wages; and when that is spent, he shall
for lesse mony Blaspheme his God, Revile his Prince, and
Belye his Country, if his former Books have Omitted any
thing of those Arguments; and shall Curse his own Father
into the Bargain.

[119]

Monday, May 21. 1677.

The Parliament met according to their late Adjorn-
ment, on, and from April 16th. to May, 21, 1677.

There was no speech from the King to the Parliament,
but in the House of Commons.

This Meeting was opened with a verball message from
his Majesty, delivered by Secretary Coventry, wherein his
Majesty acquainted the House, that having according to
their desire in their Answer to his late Message April 16th.
driected their Adjournment to this time, because they did
alledge it to be unparliamentary to grant Supplyes when
the House was so thin, in expectation of a speedy Adjourn-
ment; and having also Issued out his Proclamation of sum-
mons to the end there might be a full House, he did now
expect they would forthwith enter upon the consideration
of his last message, and the rather, because he did intend
there should be a Recesse very quickly.

Upon this it was moved, That the Kings last Message
(of April 16.) And the Answer thereto should be Read,
and they were read accordingly.

Thereupon, after a long silence, a discourse began a-
bout their expectation, and necessity of Alliances.

And particularly, it was intimated that an Alliance with
Holland was most expedient, for that we should deceive our
selves if we thought we could be defended otherwise, we
alone could not withstand the French, his purse and power
was too great. Nor could the Dutch withstand him. But
both together might.

The general discourse was, that they came with an ex-
pectation to have Allyances declared, and if they were not
made so as to be imparted, they were not called or come to
that purpose they desired, and hoped to meet upon, and if

[123]

some few dayes might ripen them, they would be content to
Adjorn for the mean time.

The Secretary and others said, these Allyances were things
of great weight, and difficulty, and the time had been short,
but if they were finisht, yet it was not convenient to publish
them, till the King was in a readinesse and posture to pro-
secute and maintain them, till when his Majesty could not
so much as speak out, insisting on his words, That without
600000 l. it would not be possible for him to Speak or Act
those things which should answer the ends of their several Ad-
dresses, without expsing the Kingdom to much greater dang-
ers.

By others it was observed and said, That they met now
upon a publick notice by Proclamation, which Proclamation
was in pursuance of their last Addresse, in which Addresse
they desire the King they may Adjourn for such time, as with
in which (they hoped) Allyances might be fixed, so as to
be imparted, they mentioned not any particular day, If his
Majesty had not thought this time long enough for the pur-
pose, he might have appointed the Adjournment for a long-
er time; or he might have given notice by Proclamation
that upon this account they should re-adjourn to a yet long-
er time.

But surely, the time has been sufficient, especially con-
sidering the readiness of the Parties to be Allyed with; it is
five weeks since our Recesse. He that was a minister chief-
ly imployed in making the Tripple League, has since published
in print that, that League was made in five dayes, and yet
that might well be thought a matter more tedious and long
then this; For when people are in profound peace (as the
Dutch then were) it was not easy to embark them present-
ly into Leagues. They had time and might take it for great-
er deliberation. But here the people are in the distresse of
War, and need our Allyance, and therefore it might be con-

(124)

tracted with ease and expidition, were we as forward as
they.

Neither is five weeks the limit of the time, that has been
for this purpose, for it is about ten weeks since we first Ad-
dressed for these Allyances.

And as to the Objection, That it was not fit to make them
known before preparation were made, they said, the force of
that lay in this, that the French would be allarmed. But they
answered that the asking and giving money for this purpose
would be no lesse an Allarm. For the French could not be
ignorant of what Addresses and Answers have passed; and
if mony be granted to make warlike preperations, for the
end therein specified, it is rather a greater discovery and
denouncing of what we intended against the French.

Grotius (de jure Belli & Pacis) saies, If a Prince make
extraordinary preparations, a neighbour Prince who may
be affected by them may exposulate, and demand an ac-
count of the purpose for which they are intended, and if he
receive not satisfaction, that they are not to be used against
him, it is a cause of War on his part, so as that Neighbour
may begin if he think fit, and is not bound to stay till the
first preparer first begin actuall Hostility, and this is agree-
able to reason, and the nature of Government.

Now the French King, is a vigilant Prince, and has wise
Ministers about him, upon which general account (tho we
had not as we have seen an extraordinary French Embassy
here dureing our Recesse) we should suppose that the
French King has demanded an account of our Kings purpose,
and whether the extraordinary preparations that are begun
and to be made are designed against him or not. In which
case his Majesty could give but one of three answers.

1. To say, They are not designed against him, and then
his Majesty may acquaint us with the same, and then there is
no occasion of our giving money,

[125]

2. To say, They are designed against him, in which case
his Majesty may very well impart the same to us. For it
were in vain to conceal it from us, to the end that the
French might not be allarmd, when it is before expresly
told the French, that the design was against him.

3. To give a doubtfull answer. But that resolves into the
second. For when a Prince out of an apprehension that ex-
traordinary preparations may be used against him, desires
a clear categoricall and satisfactory answer concerning the
matter (as the manner of Princes is) a dubious answer does
not at all satisfie his inquiry, nor allay his jealousy; But, in
that case it is, and is used, to be taken and understood, that
the forces are defined against him.

And if his Majesty have given no answer at all (which
is not probable) it is the same with the last.

So that this being so, by one meanes or other the French
have the knowledge of the Kings purpose, and if it be known
to, or but guessed at by them, why is it concealed from his
Parliament? Why this darknesse towards us?

Besides we expect not so much good as we would, so
long as we are afraid the French should know what we are
a doing.

In this state of uncertainty, and unripeness the House
Adjourned to Wednesday Morning nine a clock, having first
ordred the Committe for the Bill for recalling his Majesties
Subjects out of the service of the French King, to sit this
after-noon, which did sit accordingly, and went thorough
the Bill,

[126]

Wednesday, May 23d. 1677.

His Majesty sent a Message for the House to attend him
presently at the Banqueting House in White-Hall, where he
made the following Speech to them.

Gentlemen,

I Have sent for you hither, that I might prevent those mistakes
and distrusts which I find some are ready to make, as if I
had called you together, only to get money from you, for other
uses than you would have it imployed. I do assure you on the
Word of a King, that you shall not repent any trust you repose
in me, for the safety of my Kingdoms; and I desire you to be-
lieve I would not break my Credit with you, but as I have al-
ready told you, that it will not be possible for me to speak or act
those things which should answer the ends of your several Ad-
dresses, without exposing my kingdoms to much greater dangers,
so I declare to you again, I will neither hazard my own safety,
nor yours, until I be in a better condition than I am able to put my
self, both to defend my Subjects and offend my Enemies.

I do further assure you, I have not lost one day since your
last meeting, in doing all I could for your defence; and I tell you
plainly, that it shall be your fault and not mine if your Security be not
sufficiently provided for.

The Commons returning to their House, and the Speech
being there read, they presently resolved to consider it, and
after a little while resolved into a Committee of the whole
House, for the more full, free, and regular debate

The Secretary and others propounded the supplying the
King, wherein they said they did not press the House, but
they might do as they pleased. But if it be expected that
Allyances be made, and made known, there must be 600000 l.

[108]

raised to make preperation before, for the king had declared
that without it, it could not be possible for him to speak or
Act; he could not safely move a step further. The king
had the right of making Peace, War, and Leagues, as this
House has of giving money, he could not have money with-
out them, nor they Allyance without him. The king had
considered this matter, and this was his Judgment, That he
ought by such a summe to be put into a posture to maintain
and prosecute his Allyance, before they could or should be
declared, and truely otherwise our nakednesse and weak-
nesse would be exposed.

Tis true as has been Objected, the asking and giving mo-
ney for this purpose, would allarm as much as the declar-
ing Alliance, but then it would defend too. A Whip will all-
arm a wild Beast, but it will not defend the man, a Sword
will allarm the Beast too, but then it will also defend the
man.

We know the King would strip himself to his shirt rather
then hazard the Nation. He has done much already, he has
set out, and made ready to set out, 44 Ships, but they
must be distributed to several places for Convoys, &c.
Their would need, it may be 40 more in a body. And it is
difficult to get Seamen, many are gon into the service of the
French, Dutch, &c. The King is fain to presse now.

The King has not had any fruit of the 200000 l. credit
provided him upon the three years Excise, he has tryed the
City to borrow money of them, thereupon, and my Lord
Mayor returned answer, that he had endeavoured but could
not encourage his Majesty to depend upon the City for it.

Several others, somewhat different, spake to this effect,
We should consider in this case, as in the case of the Kings
Letters, Pattents, Proclamations, &c. If any thing in them
be against Law and Reason, Lawyers and Courts, Judge
is void, and reckon it not to be said or done by the King,
For the King can do no wrong, tho his Counsel may. So we

(128)

must look upon the Kings Speeches and Messages as the pro-
duct of Counsel, and therefore if any mistake be therein, it
must be imputed to the error of his Counsel, and it must be
taken that the king never said it. Now to apply certainly the
treating and concluding of Alliances, requirs, not a previous
summe of mony, however the kings Counsel may misin-
form. They may be propounded and accepted, by the
meanes of the Forraign Ministers, even without an Embassy
to be sent hence, and yet if that were requisite, it were not
an extraordinary charg.

Allyances may be made forthwith, and then mony would
be granted forthwith; If they were declared to day, the
600000 l. should be given to morrow, and as occasion should
require.

And there is no fear but money would be found for this
purpose, our own Extravagancies would maintaine a
War.

The mony which has been provided the King already this
Session, is sufficient for all Preparations that can possibly be
made before these Allyances may be made.

Forty Ships of ours with the help of the Dutch, are a good
Defence against the French at Sea, now he is so entangled
with Sicily, the West Indies, &c, In the Tripple League, it
was stipulated, that forty of our Ships, and forty of the
Dutch, should be provided, and they were thought suffici-
ent for the purpose..

If it were required that 40 more Ships should be set out,
60 000 l is enough to maintain and pay a whole year clear
for the Carpenters work, and such like as should presently
be required, for the fitting them to go out a little money will
serve.

And surely this is the only preparation that can be meant,
for if it should be meant, that we should fortifie the Land
with Forts, Garrisons, walled Towns, &c. it is not 6 milli-
ons will do it. But our strength, force and defence, is our

[129]

Ships, for the debate of this day it is as great and weighty as
ever was any in England it concerns our very being, and in-
cludes our Religion, Liberty and Property; The doore to-
wards France must be shut and Garded, for so long as it is open
our Treasure and Trade will creep out and their Religion creep
in at it, and this time is our season, some mischief will be done
us, and so there will at any time when the War is begun,
but now the least.

The French is not very dangerous to us, nor to be much
feared by us at this present, but we ought to advise and act so
now, as we may not fear or despair hereafter when the French
shall make peace beyond Sea, and likely he will make Al-
lyances with those People with whom we deferr to make
them; How ripe and great is our Misery then?

The power and policy of the French is extraordinary,
and his money Influences round about him.

We are glad to observe upon what is said by & of the King,
that his Majesty agrees with us in the end, and we hope he will
be convinced of the reasonableness of the means, which is to
make and follow these Allyances, without which plainly we
can give no account to our selves, or those we represent, of
giving money.

We have made severall Addresses about some of the Kings
Ministers, their management, &c. Of which we have seen
little fruit, Their have continually almost to this hour gone
out of England succours to France, of Men, Powder, Am-
munition, Ordnance, &c. Not to rake into the matter, how
far the Ministers have been active or passive in this, nor to
mention any other particulars, we must say that unless the
Ministers, or their minds are altred, we have no reason to trust
money in their hands, Though we declare we have no pur-
pose to arrign or attempt upon them, but would rather pro-
pose to them an easy way how they might have Oblivion,
nay, and the thanks fo the People viz. That they should en-

[130]

deavour and contend, who could do most to dispose the
king to Comply with this advice of his Parliament.

We think the prosecuting these Alliances, the only good
use for which our money can be imployed, and therefore
before we give, we would be secure it should be applyed to
this purpose, and not by miscouncells be diverted to others.

This is the mature Counsel of the Parliament, and no
Crosse or other counsel is to be received or Trusted, for at-
taining these great advices which the King and Parliament
are agreed on.

To part with money before Allyances are made, is need-
lesse and to no purpose, at best it would be the way to spend
that money before hand, in vaine, which we shall need here-
after, when we shal be forced to enter into this defence against
France.

It would be like an errour committed in the late Kings
time, and which lookes as if men had given Counsel on pur-
pose to destroy that Good King, he had by the care and
faithfullnesse of Bishop Juxton and others, Collected and
preserved a good summe of mony before the Scottish Re-
bellion, in One thousand Six hundred Thirty nine, upon
that Rebellion he was advised to raise an Army at Land, which
indeed was necessary, But he was likewise advised to set out
severall of his great Rate Ships, this appeared in the papers
of Sir Robert Longs Office, and may there be seen still, if the
Papers are not scattred. A man cannot tell to what end this
advise was given, unlesse to spend the Kings money, for the
Admiralty of Scotland is not now, and much lesse then was
so considerable, as to require any such force against it. And
if the design were to hinder their Commerce and succours
by Sea, the charg of one of those great Ships might have
been divided and applied to the setting out five or six lesse
Ships, each of which was capable of doing as much for that
service, as such a great one, and could keep out at Sea
longer.

[131]

It is a plain case, unless the power of France be lowred
we cannot be safe, without Conjunction with other Con-
federates, it cannot be done. The question is, whether the
present be the proper time for the work. Certainly it is,
there is a happy Confederation against the French, which we
cannot so well hope to have continued without our coming
into it, much less can we hope to recover or recruite it, if once
broken. The very season of the year favours the businesse.
It is proper and safe to begin with the French in the summer,
now he is engaged and not at Leisure, whereas in Winter
when the Armies are drawn out of the Field he will be able
to apply himself to us.

As to the Citizens not advancing mony upon the late cer-
dit, we are informed they were never regularly or effect-
ually asked, my Lord Major indeed was spoken to, and per-
haps some of the Aldermen, but all they are not the City,
he sent about curiously to some of the Citizens, to know if
they would lend, of which they took little or no notice, it
being not agreeable to their way and usage, for the custom
in such cases has always been, that some Lord of the Council
did go down to the Common Counsell, which is the Repre-
sentative body of the City, and there propound the matter.

Besides in this particular case the Citizens generally ask-
ed the same question we do: are the Alliances made, and
said if they were made they would lend money, but if not,
they saw no cause for it.

Philip the second of Spaine made an observation in his
Will, or some last Memorial, and ’tis since published in Print
by Monsieur, he observes the vanity of any Princes aspiring
at the universal Monarchy, for that it naturally made the rest
of the world joyntly his enemies, but ambition blinds men,
suffers them not to look back on such Experiences. But this
observation shews what is natural for others to do in such a
case, and that the way to repell and break such a design,
is by their universall confederation.

[132]

Philip the Second was most capable of making this Obser-
vation, for in his hands perished the Spanish Design of the
Universal Monarchy, and that chiefly by reason of the Con-
junction of the English and Dutch against him.

In the process of this debate, Gentlemen did more parti-
cularly explain themselves, and propound to Address their
design to the King, for a League offensive and defensive, with
the Dutch against the French power.

Against which a specious Objection was made, That the
Dutch, were already treating with the French, and ’twas like
they would slip Collar, make a separate Peace for themselves
and leave us engaged in a War with France.

To which was Answered, That there was no just fear of
that, the Dutch were Interessed in repressing the Power of
France as well as we, and they knew their Interest; It
was reasonable for them to say, If England, which is as much
concerned in this danger, will not assist us, we will make the
best terms we can for our selves, there is yet a Seam of Land
between the French and us, we may Trade by or under
them, &c.

But if England will joyn with the Dutch, they cannot find
one syllable of reason to desert the Common Cause.

They have observed a propensity in the People of England
to help them, but not in the Court of England. If they can
find that the Court does heartily joyn, it will above all things
oblige and confirm them.

In One thousand six hundred sixty seven, when the Dutch
were in Peace and Plenty, when Flanders was a greater Bull-
work to them, for the French had not pierced so far into it,
and when the direction of their affaires was in a hand of in-
veterate enmity to the Crown of England (John de Witt) yet
then their Interest did so far Govern him and them, as to en-
ter into the Tripple League, against the growth and power of
France, and keep it more, and most certainly therefore now
they are exhausted and weakened by a War, and stand in

[133]

need of our help, now the French have approached nearer
the brink of their Country, and are encreased in Naval force
to the danger of their Trade and Navigation, and now their
affaires are chiefly directed by a kinsman of the Crown of
England, the Prince of Orange, they cannot deflect or start
from a League they make with us against our Common
Enemy.

It was moved, that there might be a League Offensive and
Defensive with Spain and the Dutch, and other convenient
Allyances with the rest of the Confederates, but the particu-
lar concerning Spain, was retracted and laid aside by the ge-
neral Discourse of the Members to this purpose, We do
covet an Allyance with Spain above others, for that they are
Owners of the Netherlands, for whose preservation we have
Addressed, that it is with Spain that we have the most, if not
the only profitable Trade, and the Spaniards are good, gal-
lant and sure Friends. But they are remote, and we know
not whether there are full powers here or at Brussels for this
matter, and to wait for their coming from Madrid would
make Church-work, whereas we need the swiftest expedi-
tion.

Therefore they Voted their Address to be particular and
expressly for such a League with the Dutch, and as to the
Spaniards together with the other Confederates in general.

This passed with very general consent, there was an ex-
traordinary full House, and upon putting the question, there
were but two negative Voices to it.

There were more ordinary particulars appointed to be
in the Address, but no contest or debate about them.

The Vote was as followeth:

Resolved
THat an Addresse be made to the King, That his Majesty
would be pleased to enter into a League, offensive and
defensive, with the Sates General of the Uinited Provinces, and
to make such other Alliances with others of the Confederates,

[134]

as his Majesty shall think fit, against the growth and power of
the French King, and for the preservation of the Spanish Nether
Lands, and that a Committe be appointed to draw up the Ad-
dresse, with reasons why this House cannot comply with his
Majesties Speech, until such Alliances be entred into, and fur-
ther shewing the necessity of the speedy making such Alliances,
and when such Alliances are made, giving his Majesty As-
surance of speedy and chearfull supplyes, from time to time, for
supporting and maintaining such Alliances.

To which (the Speaker re-assuming the Chair, and this
being reported) the House agreed, and appointed the
Committee.

And Adjourned over Ascension day till Friday,

In the interim, the Committee appointed, met and drew
the Address according to the above mentioned Order, a
true Coppy of which is here annexed.

May it please your Most excellent Majesty,

“YOur Majesties most Loyal and Dutiful Subjects, the
“Commons in Parliament assembled, have taken into
“their serious consideration, your Majesties gracious Speech
“and do beseech your Majesty, to believe it is a great afflicti-
“on to them, to find themselves obleiged (at present) to
“decline the granting your Majesty the supply your Majesty
“is pleased to demand, conceiving it is not agreeable to the
“usage of Parliament, to grant Supplyes for mainteance of
“Wars, and Alliances, before they are signified in Parlia-
“ment (which the too Wars against the States of the United
“Provinces, since your Majesties happy Restoration, and
“the League made in January 1668, for preservation of
“the Spanish Nether Lands, sufficiently proved, without
troub-

[135]

“ling your Majesty with Instances of greater antiquity) from
“which usage if we might depart, the president might be
“of dangerous consequence in future times, though your
“Majesties Goodnesse gives us great security during your
“Majesties Raign, which we beeseech God long to con-
“tinue.

“This Consideration prompted us in our last Addresse to
“your Majesty, before our last Recesse, humbly to men-
“tion to your Majesty, our hopes, that before our meeting
“again your Majesties Alliances might be so fixed, as that
“your Majesty might be graciously pleased to impart them to
“us in Parliament, that so our earnest desires of supplying
“your Majesty, for prosecuting those great ends, we had
“humbly laid before your Majesty, might meet with no
“impediment or obstruction; being highly sensible of the
“necessity of supporting, as well as making the Alliances,
“humbly desired in our former Addresses, and which we
“still conceive so important to the safety of your Majesty,
“and your Kingdomes, That we cannot (without unfaith-
“fulnesse to your Majesty and those we Represent) omit up-
“on all occasions, humbly to beseech your Majesty, as we now
“do, To enter into a League offensive and defensive with the
States General of the United Provinces, against the growth and
power of the French King, and for the preservation of the
Spanish Nether-Lands, and to make such other Alliances,
with such other of the Confederates, as your Majesty shall think
fit and usefull to that end; in doing which (That no time
“may be lost) we humbly offer to his Majesty these Rea-
“sons for the expediting of it.

1. “That if the entering into such Alliances, should draw
“on a War with the French King, it would be lest detri-
“mental to your Majesties Subjects at this time of the year,
“they having now fewest effects, within the Dominion of
that King.

2. “That though we have great reason to believe the

[136)

‘ power of the French King to be dangerous, to your Maje-
‘ sty and your kingdoms, when he shall be at more leisure to
‘ molest us; yet we conceive the many Enemies he has to
‘ deal with at present, together with the scituation of your
‘ Majesties Kingdoms, the Unanimity of the People in the Cause,
‘ the care your Majesty hath been pleased to take of your
‘ ordinary Guards of the Sea, together with the Credit pro-
‘ vided by the late Act for an additional Excise for three years
‘ make the entering into, and declaring Alliances very safe,
‘ until we may in a regular way give your Majesty such fur-
‘ ther Supplies, as may enable your Majesty to support your
‘ Allyances, and defend your kingdoms.

‘ And because of the great danger and charge which must
‘ necessarily fall upon your Majesties kingdomes, if through
‘ want of that timely encouragement and assistance, which
‘ your Majesties joyning with the States General of the Uni-
‘ ted Provinces, and other the Confederates would give them,
‘ The said States or any other considerable part of the Con-
‘ federates, should this next Winter, or sooner, make a Peace
‘ or Truce with the French King (the prevention whereof
‘ must hitherto be acknowledged a singular effect of Gods good-
‘ ness to us) which if it should happen, your Majesty would
‘ be afterwards necessitated with fewer, perhaps with no Al-
‘ liances or Assistance to withstand the power of the French
‘ king, which hath so long and so successfully contended with
‘ so many, and so potent Adversaries, and whilest he conti-
‘ nues his over-ballancing greatness, must alwayes be dange-
‘ rous to his Neighbours, since he would be able to oppress
‘ any one Confederate, before the rest could get together,
‘ and be in so good a posture of offending him as they now
‘ are, being joyntly engaged in a War, And if he should be
‘ so successful as to make a Peace, or disunite the present
‘ Confederation against him, it is much to be feared, whether
‘ it would be possible ever to reunite it, at least it would be
‘ a work of so much time and difficulty, as would leave

[137]

” your Majesties Kingdomes exposed to much misery and
” danger.

” Having thus discharged our duty, in laying before your
” Majesty the Dangers threatning your Majesty, and your
” Kingdomes, and the onely Remedyes we can think of,
” for the preventing, securing, and queting the minds of
” your Majesties People, with some few of those Reasons
” which have moved us to this, and our former Addresses.
” On these Subjects: We most humbly beseech your Ma-
” jesty to take the matter to your serious Consideration, and
” to take such Resolutions, as may not leave it in the power
” of any neighbouring Prince, to rob your People of that
” happinesse which they enjoy, under your Majesties graci-
” ous Governement; beseeching your Majesty to rest con-
” fident and assured, that when your Majesty shall be pleased
” to declare such Alliances in Parliament, We shall hold our
” selves obliged, not only by our promises, and assurances
” given, and now which great Unaninity revived in a full
” House, but by the Zeal and desires of those whom we re-
” present, and by the Interests of all our safetyes, most
” chearfully to give your Majesty from time to time such
” speedy Supplyes, and Assistances, as may fully and plenti-
” fully answer the Occasions, and by Gods blessing preserve
” your Majesty Honour, and safty of the People.

All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesties
great Wisdome.

Friday May 25th. 1677.

Sir John Trevor reported from the said Committee the
Addresse, as ’twas drawn by them, which was read.

Whereupon it was moved to agree with the Committee,
but before it was agreed to, there was a debate and division
of the House.

[138]

It was observed and objected that there was but one re-
son given herein for declining the granting money and that
is the Unpresidentednesse, and as to one of the Instances to
this purpose mentioned, Viz. the Kings first Dutch War, it
was said to be mistaken for that the 2500000 l. was voted be-
fore the War declared.

But it was answred, that if the Declaration was not before
the grant of the money (which Quære) yet ’twas certain
that the War it self, and great Hostilities were before the
money, and some said there might be other reasons Assigned
against giving money before the Alliances, but they rather
desired to spare them, onely in general said, twas not re-
sonable to grant money before there was a Change (they
would not say of Counsellors but of Counsells) and an har-
ty undertaking these Alliances would be the best demon-
stration of that Change. For the swerving from this Interest
and part, was the step by which we went awry, and the re-
turning thereto would restore us to our right place and
way.

And a Gentleman produced and read the Kings Speech
made Monday the 10th. of February 1667. wherein he speak
chiefly of the League which afterwards when the Swede
came into it, was called the Tripple League.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

” I Am glad to see you hear again to tell you what I have
” done in this Intervall, which I am confident you will
” be pleased with, since it is so much to the Honour and
” security of the Nation. I have made a League Offensive
” and Defensive with the States of the United Provinces, and
” likewise a League for an efficacious mediation of Peace
” between the two Crowns, into which League that of Swe-
“ den by its Ambassador hath offered to enter as a principal.
” I did not at our last Meeting move you for any Aid,

[139]

” though I lye under great Debts contracted by the last War
” but now the posture of our Neighbours abroad, and the
” consequence of this new Alliance will oblige me for our se-
” curity to set out a considerable fleet to Sea this Summer,
” and besides I must build more great Ships, and tis as ne-
” cessary that I do something in order to the fortifying some
” of our Ports. I have begun my self in order to these
” ends, but if I have not your speedy assistance, I shall not be
” able to go thorow with it, wherefore I do earnestly desire
” you to take it into your speedy consideration, &c.

Which shews the proper course and practice, That Kings
first communicate their Alliances made, before they demand
Supplies upon the account of them.

So the Exception was let fall.

But the grand Objection mannaged against it, was upon
the main point of the Address, wherein they desired his Ma-
jesty to make a League Offensive and Defensive with the
Dutch, and such other Alliances with the rest as he should
think fit.

Those who were against this particular (or particularize-
ing) in the Address, spoke to this effect.

This is an Invasion upon his Majesties Prerogative of
making Peace, War and Leagues, and it is the worse for the
Distinction that is used; in respect of the Dutch and the rest;
by which you giving him express directions as to the Dutch,
and referring to his discretion as to the others, it looks and
gives an Umbrage as if what he was to do was by your
leave.

The Antient Land-mark, the Boundaries between King
and People must not be removed; This power is one of the
few things reserved entirely to the Crown. Parliaments are
summoned to treat de Arduis, but He, de quibusdam
Arduis, this is unpresidented.

[140]

The Marriages of the Royal Family is such a peculiar thing
reserved to the King, and the matter of the Lady Arrabella
is an Instance. Queen Elizabeth resented it high, that the
Parliament should propound her marrying, and she said that
however it is well they did not name the person, if they had
named the person, it had been intolerable, now here you
name the person whom you would have the King Ally.

If you may go so far, you may come to draw a Treaty,
and propose to the King to sign it. By this you would put a
great Indecorum upon the King, he is now concerned as a
Mediator at Nimmegen, and it would be an indecent thing
for him at the same time to declare himself a party. It is be-
lieved the House of Austria (though they sent full powers to
Nimmegen, for the purpose, yet) never intended to con-
clude a Peace. But it was an absurd thing for them to de-
clare so in Publick; There must be publick decorum.

This is the way for the King to have the worse bargain
with the Confederates, for they observing how he is im-
portuned, and as it were driven to make these Alliances,
will slacken and lessen those advantagious offers, which other
wise they would be forced to make.

And again and again, they said his Majesty did agree with
this House in the End, and they did not doubt but he would
prosecute it by the same means as was desired. But his Pre-
rogative was not to be incroacht upon. This manner of pro-
ceeding would never obtain with the King, nay, it would
make the Address miscarry with the King.

On the other Side, several spoke to this effect.

We ought to consider, we are upon the Question of
agreeing an Address drawn by our Committee, by our
Order.

If they have not in matter and manner corresponded with
our direction or intention, we have cause to disagree. But
here the Exception taken, and cause pressed why we should
not agree with them is, because they have observed the very

[142]

Tis true (as Objected) that the Commons have sometimes
declined advising in the matter of War, &c. proposed to
them. But that shews not their want of right to meddle
therewith, but rather the contrary. The very truth is, it has
been the desire and endeavour of kings in all Ages, to engage
their Parliaments in advising War, &c. That so they might
be obliged to supply the King to the utmost for and through
it, but they out of a prudent caution have some times waved
the matter, lest they should engage further or deeper than
they were aware or willing.

Since his Majesty is treating as Mediator at Nimmegen,
about the general Peace, it is a great reason why he should
specifie the Alliances desired as we have done, that we might
make it known, we are far from desiring such Alliances as
might be made by and with a general Peace; but on the con-
trary coveting such as might prevent and secure us against
that dangerous and formidable Peace.

Doubtless the Confederates will offer honourable and
worthy Terms; Their necessity is too great to boggle or
take advantages, nor will they think this League the less
worth because we advise it, but rather value it the more, be-
cause it is done unanimously by the King with the Advice
and applause of his People in Parliament.

We cannot suppose that our proceeding thus to his Ma-
{Rush. Coll. 171. 172, 177, 178.} jesty will pejudice our Address or en-
danger its miscarriage since it is for his
Majesties advantage, in that it obliges
us to supply him to all degrees through
this Affaire, and the more particular it is, the more still for
the Kings advantage, for if it had been more general, and
the King thereupon had made Alliances, whatever they
were, men might have thought and said they were not the
Alliances intended, and it might be used as an excuse or
reason for their not giving money to supply his Majesty here-

[144]

dents are on our side, besides our Commissions by our Writts,
to treat de arduis, & urgentibus Regem, Statum, & Defensionem
Regni, & Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ, concernentibus. And besides the
Kings General intimations in his Printed Speech, yet) if it
be said to be a decent and proper thing to have his Majestys
leave and consent, before we proceed on such a matter, in
such a manner, as we now do, we say, that that in effect is
with us too; for consider all our former Addresses, and his
Majesties Answers, and Messages thereupon, and it will
appear that his Majesty has engaged and encouraged us to
upon this Subject; and that which he expects and would
have, is not to limit or check our advise, but to open and en-
large our gift. His Majesty appears content to be through-
ly advised, provided he be proportionably furnished and en-
abled with money, which we being now ready to do, we
clearly and conclusively present him our advice, for the ap-
plication of it. To prevent those mistakes and distrusts which
his Majesty sayes he findes some are so ready to make, as if he
had called us together only to get money from us, for other uses
then we would have it imployed.

And truly the advising these Allyances, together with as-
suring his Majesty thereupon to assist and supply him pre-
sently, and plentifully to prosecute the same, is our only
way of complying and corresponding with his last speech:
For those Leagues followed and supported by these Sup-
plyes are the only means and methodes to put his Majestie
in the best condition, both to defend his Subjects, and offend
his Enemies: and so there will be no fault in his Majesty nor
Us, but His and Our security wil sufficiently provide for.

Besides it will be worse, it will be a very bad thing indeed
not to make the Addresse for this particular League, now,
since we have resolved it already. Our intention being to
have the Dutch &c, comforted, encouraged and assured,
we did order this on Wednesday, and there is publick notice
taken of it abroad, and beyond Sea. If we should now up-

[145]

upon solemn debate set the same aside, it would beget a great
doubt, discomfort, and discouragement to them; It is one
thing never to have ordered it; another, to retract it.

Also it was said, that this was necessary, but was not all that
was necessary, for suppose (which was not credible) that
France should be prevailed with to deliver up all Lorraine,
Flanders, Alsatia, and other Conquered places; Are we
safe? No, He has too many hands, too much Money, and
this money is in great measure (a Million Sterling yearly at
least) supplyed him from hence. We must depress him by
force as far as may be, but further we must have Leagues
and Laws to impoverish him, We must destroy the French Trade.
This would quiet and secure us, this would make our Lands
rise, and this would enable us to set the king at ease.

After this long debate the House came to the Question,
Whether this particular of a League Offensive and Defensive
with the Dutch should be left out of the Address, upon
which Question, the House divided,

Yeas 142, Noes 182.

So that it was carried by Forty that it should stand.

Then the main Question was put for agreeing, with their
Committee, this Address: which passed in the Affirmative
without Division of the House.

Then it was Ordered, That those Members of the House
who were of his Majestys Privy Counsel, should move his
Majesty to know his pleasure, when the House might wait
upon him with their Address.

Mr. Powle reported from the Committee, Amendments to
the Bill for Recalling his Majestys Subjects out of the French
Kings Service, which were Read and Agreed to by the House
and the Bill with the Amendments Ordered to be Ingrossed.

And then the House Adjourned to the morrow.

[146]

Saturday, May 26 1677, in the morn.

The House being sate had notice by Secretary Coventry
That the King would receive this Address at three in the
afternoon.

The Bill for Recalling his Majesties Subjects, &c. being
then Ingrossed, was Read the Third time and Passed; The
effect of the Bill in short was this.

That all and every of the Natural born Subjects of his
Majesty who should continue or be, after the first of August
next, in the Military Service of the French King, should be
disabled to inherit any Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments,
and be uncapable of any Gift, Grant or Legacy, or to be
Executor or Administrator; and being convicted, should be
adjudged guilty of Felony, without benefit of the Clergy,
and not pardonable by his Majesty, his Heirs or Successors,
except only by Act of Parliament, wherein such Offenders
should be particularly named.

The like appointment for such as should continue in the
Sea-service, of the French King, after the first of May,
1678.

This Act as to the prohibiting the offence, and incurring
the penalties, to continue but for two years, but the execute-
ing and proceeding upon it for Offences against the Act,
might be at any time, as well after as within the two years.

Then it was Ordered, that Mr. Powle should carry up this
Bill to the Lords, and withall should put the Lords in mind,
of a Bill for The better suppressing the growth of Popery, which
they had sent up to their Lordships before Easter, which
was forthwith done accordingly.

As soon as this was ordered, several other Bills were mo-
ved for to be Read, &c. But the Members generally said,
No. They would proceed on nothing but the French and Popery.
So they Adjourned to the afternoon, when they attended
the King with their Address, at the Banqueting House in
White-Hall. Which being presented, The King Answered,

[147]

That it was long and of great importance, that he would
consider of it, and give them an Answer as soon as he could.

The House did nothing else but Adjourn till Monday
morn.

Monday, May 28, 1677.

The House being sate, they received notice by Secretary
Coventry, that the King expected them immediately at the
Banqueting-House.

Whether being come, The King made a Speech to them
on the Subject of their Address. Which Speech to pre-
vent mistakes, his Majesty read out of his Paper, and then
delivered the same to the Speaker. And his Majesty added
a few words about their Adjournment.

The Kings Speech is as followeth;

Gentlemen,

Could I have been Silent, I would rather have chosen to be
so, then to call to mind things so unfit for you to meddle
with, as are contained in some parts of your last Addresses,
wherein you have entrenched upon so undoubted a Right of the
Crown, that I am confident it will appear in no Age (when
the Sword was not drawn) that the Prerogative of making
Peace and War hath been so dangerously invaded.

You do not content your selves with desiring Me to enter
into such Leagues, as may be for the safety of the Kingdome, but
you tell Me what sort of Leagues they must be, and with whom,
(and as your Addresse is worded) it is more liable to be un-
derstood to be by your Leave, then at your Request, that I should
make such other Alliances, as I please with other of the
Confederates.

Should I suffer this fundamental Power of making Peace and
War to be so far invaded (though but once) as to have the man-

[148]

ner and circumstances of Leagues prescribed to Me by Parliament
it`s plain that no Prince or State would any longer believe that
the Soveraignty of England rests in the Crown, Nor could I
think My Self to signifie any more to Foreign Princes, then
the empty Sound of a King. Wherefore you may rest assured, that
no Condition shall make Me depart from, or lessen so essential
a part of the Monarchy. And I am willing to believe so well
of this House of Commons, that I am confident these ill Conse-
quences are not intended by you.

These are in short the Reasons, why I can by no means approve
of your Address; and yet though you have declined to grant
Me that Supply which is necessary to the Ends of it, I do again
declare to you, That as I have done all that lay in my power since
your last Meeting, so I will still apply my self by all the means I
can, to let the World see my Care both for the Security and Satis-
faction of my People, although may not be with those Ad-
vantages to them, which by your Assistances I might have
procured.

And having said this, he signified to them that they should
Adjourn till the 16th of July.

Upon hearing of this Speech read, their House is said to
have been greatly appalled, both in that they were so severe-
ly Checked in his Majesties name, from whom they had
been used to receive so constant Testimones of his Royal
Bounty and Affection, which they thought they had deserv-
ed, as also, because there are so many Old and fresh Pre-
sidents, of the same Nature; and if there had not, yet they
were led into this by all the stepps of Necessity, in duty to
his Majesty and the Nation. And several of them offering
therefore modestly to have spoken, they were interrupted
continually by the Speaker, contesting that after the Kings
pleasure signified for Adjornment, there was no further Li-
berty of speaking. And yet it was certain, that at the same
time in the Lords House, the Adjournment was in the usuall
forme, and upon the Question first propounded to that

[149]

House, and allowed by them; All Adjournments (unlesse
made by speciall Commission under his Majesties Broad
Seal) being and having alwaies been so, an Act of the
Houses by their own Authority. Neverthelesse, several
of their Members requiring to be heard, the Speaker had
the confidence, without any Question put, and of his own
motion, to pronounce the House Adjourned till the 16th of
July, and stept down in the middle of the floor, all the House
being astonished at so unheard of a violation of their inherent
Priviledge and Constitution. And that which more amazed
them afterwards was, that while none of their own transacti-
ons or Addresses for the Publick Good are suffered to be
Printed, but even all Written Coppies of them with the same
care as Libells suppressed; Yet they found this severe speech
published in the next days News Book, to mark them out
to their own, and all other Nations, as refractory disobe-
dient Persons, that had lost all respect to his Majesty. Thus
were they well rewarded for their Itch of Perpetuall Sitting,
and of Acting; the Parliament being grown to that height of
Contempt, as to be Gazetted among Run-away Servants,
Lost Doggs, Strayed Horses, and High-way Robbers.

In this manner was the second meeting of this, whether
Convention or Parliament, conlcuded; But by what Name
soever it is lawfull to call them, or how irregular they were
in other things, yet it must be confessed, That this House
or Barn of Commons, deserved commendations for have-
ing so far prevented the establishment of Popery, by reject-
ing the Conspiratours two Bills; Intituled.

1.An Act for further securing the Protestant Religion by
educating the Children of the Royal family therein; And for the
providing for the Continuance of a Protestant Clergy.

2. An Act for the more effectual conviction and Prosecu-
tion of Popish Recusants, And for having in so many Ad-
dresses applyed against the French power and progresse;
And their Debates before recited upon this latter subject, do

[150]

sufficiently show, that there are men of great parts among
them, who understand the Intrest of the Nation, and as long
as it is for their purpose, can prosecute it.

For who would not commend Chastity, and raile against
Whoreing, while his Rival injoyes their Mistresse.

But on the other side, that poor desire of Perpetuating
themselves those advantages which they have swallowed, or
do yet gape for, renders them so Abject, that they are be-
come a meer property to the Conspiratours, and must, in
order to their continuance, do and suffer such things, so
much below and contrary to the spirit of the Nation, that
any honest man would swear that they were no more an
English House of Parliament. And by this weaknesse of
theirs it was, that the House of Peers also (as it is in contigu-
ous Buildings) yeelded and gave way so far even to the
shaking of the Government. For had the Commons stood
firme, it had been impossible that ever two men, such as the
Black and White Lords, Trerife and Frechwel, though of so
vast fortunes, extraordinary understandings, and so proporti-
onable Courage, should but for speaking against their sense
have committed the Four Lords (not much their inferi-
ours) and thereby brought the whole Peerage of England
under their vassalage.

They met again at the Day appointed, the 16 of July,
The supposed House of Commons were so well appayed,
and found themselves at such ease, under the Protection of
these frequent Adjournments, which seemed also further to
confirme their Title to Parliament, that they quite forgot
how they had been out-lawed in the Gazette, or if any sense
of it remaind, there was no opportunity to discover it. For
his Majesty having signified by Mr. Secretary Coventry his
pleasure; that there should be a further Adjournment,
their Mr. Seymour (the speaker deceased) would not suffer
any man to proceed; But an honourable Member requiring
modestly to have the Order Read, by which they were be-

[151]

fore Adjourned, he Interrupted him and the Seconder of
that motion. For he had at the last Meeting gained one
President of his own making for Adjourning the House with-
out question, by his own Authority, and was loath to have
it discontinued, so that without more ado, like an infallible
Judge, and who had the power over Counsels, he declared,
Ex Cathedra, that they were Adjourned till the third of De-
cember next. And in the same moment stampt down on the
floor, and went forth (trampling upon, and treading under
foot, I had almost said, the Priviledges and usage of Parlia-
ment, but however) without shewing that decent respect
which is due to a multitude in Order, and to whom he was a
Menial Servant.

In the mean-time, the four Lords lay all this while in the
Tower, looking perhaps to have been set free, at least of
Course by Prorogation. And there was the more reason
to have expected one, because the Corn Clause which de-
ducted Communibus Annis, 55000 l. out of the Kings Cus-
tomes, was by the Act of Parliament to have expired.

But these frequent Adjournments left no place for Divi-
nation, but that they must rather have been calculated to
give the French more scope for perfecting their Conquests,
or to keep the Lords closer, till the Conspirators Designes
were accomplished, and it is less probable that one of these
was false, that that both were the true Causes. So that the
Lords, if they had been taken in War, might have been ran-
somed cheaper than they were Imprisoned. When there-
force after so long patience, they saw no end of their Captivi-
ty, they began to think the procuring of their Liberty
deserved almost the same care which others took to conti-
nue them in Durance; and each of them chose the Me-
thod he thought most advisable.

The Earl of Shaftsbury having addresed in vain for his
Majesties favour, resorted, by Habeas Corpus to the King`s
Bench, the constant Residence of his Justice. But the

(152)

Judges were more true to their Pattents then their Jurisdicti-
on and remanded him, Sir Thomas Jones having done him
double Justice, answering both for himself and his Brother
Twisden, that was absent and had never hard any Argument
in the case.

The Duke of Buckingham, the Earle of Salisbury, and
the Lord Wharton, had better Fortune then he in recurring
to his Majesty by a Petition, upon which they were enlarged,
making use of an honorable Evasion, where no Legal Re-
paration could be hoped for. Ingratefull Persons may cen-
sure them for enduring no more, not considering how much
they had suffered. But it is Honour enough for them to have
been Confessors, nor as yet is the Earl of Shaftsbury a Mar-
tyr, for the English Liberties and the Protestant Religion,
but may still live to the Envy of those that maligne him for
his Constancy.

There remaines now only to relate that before the meet-
ing appointed for the third of December, his Majesties Pro-
clamation was Issued, signifying that he expected not the
Members attendance, but that those of them about Town
may Adjourn themselves till the fourth of April 1678.
Wherein it seemed not so strange, because often done be-
fore, as unfortunate that the French should still have so much
further leisure allowed him to compleat his design upon
Flanders, before the Nation should have the last opportuni-
ty of interposing their Counsells with his Majesty (it cannot
now be said) to prevent it. But these words that the House
may Adjourn themselves, were very well received by those
of the Commons who imagined themselves thereby restored
to their Right, after Master Seymours Invasion; When in re-
versal of this, he probably desiring to retain a Jurisdiction,
that he had twice usurped, and to adde this Flower to the
Crown, of his own planting, Mr. Secretary Coventry deli-
vered a written Message from his Majesty on the 3d of De-
cember, of a contrary effect, though not of the same vali-

[153]

dity with the Proclamation, to wit, That the Houses
should be Adjourned only to the 15. of January 1677.
Which as soon as read, Mr. Seymour would not give leave
to a worthy Member offerring to speak, but abruptly, now
the third time of his own authority, Adjourned them, without
putting the Question, although Sr. J. Finch, for once doing so
in Tertio Charoli, was accused of high Treason; This only can
be said, perhaps in his excuse, That whereas that in tertio Car.
was a Parliament Legally constituted, Mr. Seymour did here
do as a Sheriff that disperses a Riotous assembly. In this man-
ner they were kickt from Adjournment to Adjournment, as
from one stair down to another, and when they were at the
bottom kickt up again, having no mind yet to Go out of Doors.

And here it is time to fix a period, if not to them, yet to
this Narrative. But if neither one Prorogation, against all
the Laws in being, nor three Vitious Adjournments, against
all Presidents, can Dissolve them, this Parliament then is Im-
mortal, they can subsist without his Majesties Authority,
and it is less dangerous to say with Captain Elsdon, so lately,
Si Rebellio evenerit in Regno, & non accideret fore, contra
omnes tres Status, Non est Rebellio.

Thus far hath the Conspiracy against our Religion and
Government been laid open, which if true, it was more than
time that it should be discovered, but if any thing therein have
been falsly suggested the disproving of it in any particular
will be a courtesy both to the Publick and to the Relator;
who would be glad to have the world convinced of the con-
trary, tho to the prejudice of his own reputation. But so far
is it from this, that it is rather impossible for any observing
man to read without making his own farther remarkes of the
same nature and adding a supplement of most passages which
are here but imperfectly toucht. Yet some perhaps may Ob-
ject, as if the Assistance given to France were all along invidi-
ously aggravated, whereas there have been and are, conside-
rable numbers likewise of his Majesties Subjects in the Ser-
vice of Holland, which hath not been mentioned. But in

(154)

Answer to that, it is well known though what difficulty and
hardship they passed thither, escaping hence over, like so
many Malefactors; and since they are there, such care hath
been taken to make them as serviceable as others to the De-
sign, that of those three Regiments, two, if not the third also,
have been modelled under Popish Officers, and the Pro-
testants displaced. Yet had the Relator made that volunta-
ry Omission in partiality to his Argument, he hath abundant-
ly recompenced in sparing so many Instances on the other-
side which made to his purpose; The abandoning his Ma-
jesties own Nephew for so many years in compliance with
His and our Nations Enemies, the further particulars of the
French Depradations and Cruelties exercised at Sea upon his
Majesties Subjects, and to this day continued and tollerated
without reparation; Their notorious Treacheries and Inso-
lencies, more especially relating to his Majesties Affairs. These
things abroad, which were capable of being illustrated by
many former and fresh Examples. At home, the constant
irregularities and injustice from Term to Term, of those
that administer the Judicature betwixt his Majesty and his
People. The Scrutiny all over the Kingdom, to find out
men of Arbitrary Principles, that will Bow the knee to Baal,
in order to their Promotion to all Publick Commissions and
Imployments; and the Disgracing on the contrary and Dis-
placing of such as yet dare in so universal a depravation be
honest and faithful in their Trust and Offices. The defecti-
on of considerable persons both Male and Female to the Po-
pish Religion, as if they entred by Couples clean and unclean
into the Ark of that Church, not more in order to their
salvation, than for their temporal safety. The state of the
Kingdom of Ireland, which would require a whole Volume
to represent it. The tendency of all Affairs and Counsels in
this Nation towards a Revolution. And (by the great Civility
and Foresight of his Holyness) an English Cardinal now for
several years prepared like Cardinal Poole to give us Absolu-
tion, Benediction, and receive us into Apostolical Obedience.

[155]

It is now come to the fourth Act, and the next Scene
that opens may be Rome or Paris, yet men sit by, like idle
Spectators, and still give money towards their own Tragedy.
It is true, that by his Majesty and the Churches care, under
Gods Speciall providence, the Conspiracy hath received
frequent disappointments. But it is here as in Gaming,
where, tho the Cheat may lose for a while, to the Skill or
good fortune of a fairer Player, and sometimes on purpose
to draw him in deeper, yet the false Dice must at the long
run Carry it, unless discovered, and when it comes once to
a great Stake, will Infallibly Sweep the Table.

If the Relator had extended all these Articles in their par-
ticular Instances, with severall other Heads, which out of
Respect he forbore to enumerate, it is evident there was
matter sufficient to have further accused his Subjects. And
nevertheless, he foresees that he shall on both hands be blam-
ed for pursuing this method. Some on the one side will ex-
pect, that the very Persons should have been named, where-
as he onely gives evidence to the Fact, and leaves the male-
factors to those who have the power of inquiry. It was
his design indeed to give Information, but not to turn infor-
mer. That these to whom he hath onely a publick enmity,
no private animosity, might have the priviledige of States-
men, to repent at the last hour, and by one signall Action to
expiate all their former misdemeanours. But if any one de-
light in the Chase, he is an ill Woodman that knows not the
size of the Beast by the proportion of his Excrement.

On the other hand, some will represent this discourse (as
they do all Books that tend to detect their Conspiracy) a-
gainst his Majesty and the Kingdome, as if it too were writ-
ten against the Government. For now of late, as soon as
any man is gotten into publick imployment by ill Acts and by
worse continues it, he, if it please the Fates, is thenceforward
the Government, and by being Criminal, pretends to be sa-
cred. These are, themselves, the men who are the Living
Libells against the Government; and who (whereas the

[156]

Law discharges the Prince upon his Ministers) do if in dang-
er of being Questioned, plead or rather impeach his Autho-
rity in their own Justification. Yea, so impudent is their in-
gratitude, that as they intitle him to their Crimes, so they ar-
rogate to themselves his Virtues, chalenging whatsoever is
well done, and is the pure emanation of his Royal Goodness, to
have proceeded from their Influence. Objecting thereby
his Majesty, if it were possible, to the hatred and interposing
as far as in them lies, betwixt the love of his People. For be-
ing conscious to themselves how inconsiderable they would
be under any good Government, but for their notorious
wickedness, they have no other way of subsisting, but by
nourishing suspitions betwixt a most loyal People, and most
gracious Soveraign. But this Book, though of an extraor-
dinary nature, as the case required, and however it may be
calumniated by interessed persons, was written with no other
intent than of meer Fidelity and Service to his Majesty, and
God forbid that it should have any other effect, than That
the mouth of all Iniquity and of Flatterers may be stopped, and
that his Majesty having discerned the Disease, may with his
Healing Touch apply the Remedy. For so far is the Relator
himself from any Sinister surmise of his Majesty, or from sug-
gesting it to others, that he acknowledges, if it were fit for
Cæsars Wife to be free, much more is Cæsar himself from all
Crime and Suspition. Let us therefore conclude with our
own Common Devotions, From all Privy Conspiracy, &c.
Good Lord deliver us.

Errata. Pag. 6 line 5 read, at the same time. p. 8 l 6 r. clave
non errante. p. 8 l, 25 dele still. p. 17 l. I r. Feb. 15. 1676. p. 27 l. 20.
r. 1800000. p. 30 l. I r. deference. p. 43 l. 34 r. Eng. Declaration
p. 48 l, 7 r. claimed a power. p. 67 l. 20 r. obvious. p. 74 l. 20 r. as.
p. 75 l. 34; 35 r. rigging and unrigging. p. 79 l. 2 r. those. p. 85 l. r
r. that others had of practising. p. 114 l. 5 r. wink. p. 115 l. 27, 28 r.
and the whole house. p. 120 l. 8 r. French Embassade p. 121 l. 23
r. carriere. p. 133 l. 28 r. more then ordinary.

FINIS.